About this topic
Everyone has the right to an adequate standard of living – this includes acceptable housing and the continuous improvement of living conditions (Hohmann 2020). Having a home provides safety, stability and security. Being homeless or living in unstable or crowded housing can be detrimental to a person’s wellbeing and development. It can also exacerbate mental health conditions (Brackertz et al. 2018).
Connection to body, mind and emotions
Connection to body and connection to mind and emotions are 2 of the 7 domains of social and emotional wellbeing for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (First Nations) people.
Social and emotional wellbeing is a holistic way of looking at relationships between individuals, family, kin and community in the context of land, culture, spirituality and ancestry. Cultural groups and individuals each have their own interpretation of social and emotional wellbeing (Gee et al. 2014).
Having stable housing supports connection to mind and emotions (PM&C 2017). Adequate housing with working washing, bathing and food preparation facilities supports connection to body (Osborne et al. 2013). Living in overcrowded housing can affect physical and mental health (AIHW 2022b).
Housing
Housing circumstances – such as tenure, affordability, the amount of living space and location – are key determinants of physical and mental health. The relationship between housing and health is complex. It can be difficult to determine which is the cause and which is the symptom (AIHW & NIAA 2023).
A safe home with working facilities is a key factor supporting the wellbeing of First Nations people. Living in a house with inadequate sanitation, food preparation and water facilities can lead to health problems, including poor mental health (Osborne et al. 2013). Overcrowding can result in limited access to facilities, lack of privacy and impaired sleep quality and quantity. This also affects mental health (Buergelt et al. 2017).
In 2020, all Australian governments and the Coalition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peak Organisations worked in partnership to develop the National Agreement on Closing the Gap- external site opens in new window (the National Agreement), built around 4 Priority Reforms. The National Agreement also identifies 19 targets across 17 socioeconomic outcome areas. Two of these targets directly relate to housing, monitored annually by the Productivity Commission.
National Agreement on Closing the Gap: housing-related targets
Outcome area 9: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people secure appropriate, affordable housing that is aligned with their priorities and need
- Target A: By 2031, increase the proportion of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people living in appropriately sized (not overcrowded) housing to 88% (from 78.9% in 2016).
- Status: Nationally in 2021, 81.4% of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people were living in appropriately sized (not overcrowded) housing. This was almost the same as the target trajectory of 81.9%.
- Target B: By 2031, all Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander households:
i. within discrete Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander communities receive essential services that meet or exceed the relevant jurisdictional standard.
ii. in or near to a town receive essential services that meet or exceed the same standard as applies generally within the town (including if the household might be classified for other purposes as a part of a discrete settlement such as a “town camp” or “town based reserve”). - Status: There is no data source currently available which includes all required data elements to report on progress toward Target 9B.
Homelessness
What is homelessness?
There is no single definition of homelessness. The Australian Bureau of Statistics considers a person to be experiencing homelessness when their current living arrangement is any of the following:
- It is in a dwelling that is inadequate.
- It has no tenure or the tenure is short and not extendable.
- It does not allow them to have control of, and access to, space for social relations (ABS 2012).
What causes homelessness?
Homelessness can be the result or cause of many social, economic and health‑related factors. Limited access to affordable and available housing can contribute to homelessness (Johnson et al. 2015; Wood et al. 2015). Additionally, mental health conditions, family and domestic violence, trauma and substance misuse can make a person more at risk of becoming homeless (Fitzpatrick et al. 2013).
In addition to limited access to housing, homelessness can also be defined as losing one’s sense of control over, or legitimacy in, the place where one lives.
For First Nations people, homelessness can be spiritual, as a result of being disconnected from one’s homeland, separated from family or kinship networks, or not being familiar with one’s cultural heritage (Brackertz et al. 2018; Memmott et al. 2004).
Under the National Housing and Homelessness Agreement, governments across Australia work together and fund a range of services to improve housing affordability and homelessness outcomes for low–moderate income households (CFFR 2019). Improving housing outcomes for First Nations people is a specific goal under this national agreement.
Key statistics
Stable and secure housing is fundamentally important to health and wellbeing (AIHW 2019a). Housing circumstances – such as tenure, affordability, the amount of living space and location – are key determinants of physical and mental health (Foster et al. 2011; Marsh et al. 2000). However, causal relationships between poor housing and poor health are complex, and directionality is not always clear. For example, poor housing circumstances can contribute to poor health, and poor health can result in households living in worse housing circumstances (Brackertz & Wilkinson 2017).
Housing tenure
The Indigenous Mental Health and Suicide Prevention Clearinghouse (the Clearinghouse) has used 3 social and emotional wellbeing measures – psychological distress, level of mastery and perceived social support – from the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Survey (NATSIHS) 2018–19 to identify relationships between housing tenure, overcrowding, mental health conditions and SEWB. For more information on these scales, see the topic page on Social and emotional wellbeing.
The data presented in this section are sourced from the NATSIHS 2018–19 and are for persons aged 18 and over. Estimates are calculated using a sample selected from a population rather than all members of that population. See the data tables in the Download data section for notes related to these data.
In 2018–19, 32% (149,900 persons) of First Nations people reported owning their home (with or without a mortgage). The proportion of people who owned their home was almost the same for people who had a current, diagnosed mental health condition and those who did not (30% and 33%, respectively) (Table HH.1).
A greater proportion of people who owned their own home, with or without a mortgage, reported High mastery (75%), compared with people who rented (60%) (Figure 1; Table HH.2).
Overcrowding
Housing is defined as overcrowded if one or more additional bedrooms are required to adequately house its inhabitants, given the number, age, sex and relationships of household members (AIHW 2014).
The data presented in this section are sourced from the NATSIHS 2018–19 and are for persons aged 18 and over. Estimates are calculated using a sample selected from a population rather than all members of that population. See the data tables in the Download data section for notes related to these data. These data may differ slightly to the ABS Census data presented on the Closing the Gap Information repository for Target 9A due to differences in reference periods and methodology.
In 2018–19, almost one-fifth (18% or 145,336 people) of First Nations people of all ages were living in overcrowded housing compared to 5% (1,102,899 people) of non-Indigenous Australians. One-fifth (20% or 69,454) of First Nations households lived in dwellings that did not meet an acceptable standard of living – this is defined as households with 4 working facilities (for washing people, washing clothes/bedding, storing/preparing food, and sewerage) and not more than 2 major structural problems (AIHW 2022a, 2023).
First Nations people living in non-remote areas were less likely to report living in overcrowded housing than people in remote areas (90% compared with 61%). In non-remote areas, the proportion of people in housing that was not overcrowded was about the same for people with and without a current, diagnosed mental health condition (90% and 90%, respectively). However, in remote areas, there was a notable difference between these proportions. Around three quarters (76%) of people with a mental health condition report living in housing that was not overcrowded, compared with less than two thirds (59%) of people without a mental health condition (Table HH.3).
The proportion of people reporting Low/Moderate psychological distress was almost the same among people in overcrowded housing and those not in overcrowded housing (70% and 68%, respectively) and did not seem to vary by remoteness (Table HH.4).
In non-remote areas, people living in overcrowded housing were less likely to report High mastery (58%) but more likely to report High perceived social support (69%) than those who did not live in overcrowded housing (66% and 59%, respectively) (Table HH.4).
Homelessness services
The data presented in this section are sourced from the AIHW Specialist Homelessness Services Collection. See the data tables in the Download data section for notes related to these data.
Specialist homelessness agencies provide services to assist those experiencing homelessness or who are at risk of homelessness. Services range from general support and assistance to immediate crisis accommodation. From 2011–12 to 2021–22, the proportion of First Nations clients of specialist homelessness services who reported a current mental health issue increased from 14% (6,223 clients) to 25% (18,135 clients) (AIHW 2022c) (Figure 2; Table HH.5).
In 2021–22, mental health-related services or assistance (including psychological, psychiatric and mental health services) were some of the most common services required. However, these needs are increasingly unmet. From 2011–12 to 2021–22, the proportion of First Nations clients of specialist homelessness services who required, but were not referred to, or provided with, mental health-related services or assistance increased from 21% to 38% (AIHW 2019; AIHW 2022c) (Figure 3; Table HH.6).
Data tables
| Table number and title | Source | Reference period |
|---|---|---|
| Table HH.1: Housing tenure type among First Nations people, by presence of mental health condition, 2018–19 | AIHW analysis of ABS NATSIHS | 2018–19 |
| Table HH.2: Level of mastery among First Nations people, by housing tenure type, 2018–19 | AIHW analysis of ABS NATSIHS | 2018–19 |
| Table HH.3: Overcrowding among First Nations people, by presence of mental health conditions, 2018–19 | AIHW analysis of ABS NATSIHS | 2018–19 |
| Table HH.4: Social and emotional wellbeing among First Nations people, by overcrowding, 2018–19 | AIHW analysis of ABS NATSIHS | 2018–19 |
| Table HH.5: Specialist homelessness services clients with a current mental health issue, by Indigenous status, 2011–12 to 2021–22 | AIHW Specialist Homelessness Services Collection | 2011–12 to 2021–22 |
| Table HH.6: First Nations specialist homelessness services clients with unmet need, by service and assistance type and service provision status, 2011–12 to 2021–22 | AIHW Specialist Homelessness Services Collection | 2011–12 to 2021–22 |